The bottom line for donors
We have not identified an intervention whose effectiveness at reducing maternal mortality is strongly supported by the available evidence. Success stories rely on broad, systemic improvements to the provision of health care, which is likely outside the scope of a program run by a charity. Within this cause, there is a track record of programs being recommended without strong evidence and recommendations being changed over time in response to lack of progress. Therefore, donors should be wary of current "recommendations" not supported by strong evidence. (Note: Some of the programs discussed below may reduce infant mortality, but here we focus on maternal mortality.)
Background
The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that in 2005 over 500,000 women died from pregnancy- and birth-related causes. A woman in a developing country is 97 times more likely to die as a result of pregnancy than a woman in a developed country. The majority of these deaths occur during and immediately following birth: 25% are caused by severe bleeding, 15% by infection, 12% by eclampsia (a seizure disorder), and 8% by obstructed labor. The remaining deaths are due to unsafe abortion (13%), other direct causes (8%), and indirect causes such as HIV and malaria which may be aggravated by pregnancy. The technologies needed to prevent deaths from most of these causes exist. For this reason, WHO designates such deaths as "avoidable." Additionally, WHO claims that the interventions to reduce maternal mortality are cost-effective, but does not present evidence to support this claim.
Charities working to reduce maternal mortality in developing countries are involved in a wide range of activities including training traditional birth attendants, providing skilled care at birth, and distribution of clean delivery kits. Other interventions not detailed in this report include safe abortion and post-abortion care, family planning,, and obstetric care.
Summary of the evidence
Although the medical interventions needed to prevent pregnancy-related deaths exist, programs to reduce maternal mortality in developing countries have a mixed track record. On a "macro" level, the success of Sri Lanka in dramatically reducing maternal mortality over the past half century is evidence that long-term government commitment to broad, systematic improvement of health services for pregnant women can save lives effectively in a low-income country. On a "micro" level, however, we have not found rigorous evidence for the effectiveness of many seemingly logical interventions.
Since a majority of maternal deaths occur during and soon after delivery, many interventions concentrate on this period. Traditional birth attendants (TBAs) assist many developing-world mothers during birth. Programs have attempted to utilize this existing system by giving short training courses to TBAs. There is little evidence that such programs are effective in reducing maternal mortality, though they may be effective in reducing mortality among newborns (more below). Efforts to increase the number of births attended by skilled attendants also hope to reduce deaths around the time of delivery, but have similarly failed to produce strong evidence of effectiveness (more below). Clean delivery kits may help reduce infection during birth, but the evidence available is neither conclusive nor rigorous (more below).
One justification for interventions during pregnancy is the early detection of potential delivery complications. Many complications, however, are not detected during pregnancy. It is perhaps because of this that little evidence exists regarding the effectiveness of antenatal (before birth) care in reducing maternal mortality. There is evidence, however, that having fewer visits per pregnancy does not increase the risk of death (more below). One promising, yet understudied intervention, is the creation of facilitator-led community groups for pregnant women (more below).
The sources for the research on this page were drawn primarily from two online databases: the medical journal database PubMed and the Cochrane Library review database. For each intervention listed below, we used a number of combinations of applicable terms, and we explored the 'related articles' suggested by the database. We also browsed the Cochrane Library's category "Pregnancy and Childbirth." Priority was given to reviews and meta-analyses over studies that examined a single project or experiment. Relevant articles from these databases were used as sources of references to other relevant articles. Additional sources came from the World Health Organization's website, and Google and Google Scholar search engines.
Details
"Macro" evidence
One of 20 case studies in Millions Saved: Proven Successes in Pubic Health is devoted to the reduction of maternal mortality in Sri Lanka. Since 1950, Sri Lanka has reduced maternal deaths "from between 500 and 600 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births in 1950 to 60 per 100,000." Levine (2007) attributes this decline to four major factors:
- Broad, free access to a strong health system.
- The professionalization and broad use of midwives.
- Gathering of health information and use of this information for policy making.
- Targeted quality improvements to vulnerable groups.
Sri Lanka accomplished it's large reduction in maternal mortality while spending a smaller percentage of GDP on health than most countries at it's income level.
Maternal mortality decreased more rapidly than female death rates in general. Also, death rates from specific causes of maternal mortality, such as hypertensive disease and sepsis, fell. This suggests that maternal mortality fell due to factors other than general improvements in health.
A World Bank study looked at seven countries that have had some success in reducing maternal mortality and concluded that, given current technology, it was unlikely that countries could speed up the process that took Sri Lanka decades. The study also named six "factors of success," which largely coincided with the factors listed by Levine in Millions Saved (above) and highlighted the importance of a concerted government effort to address maternal mortality.
Country-level success stories are useful in showing the feasibility of the goal of reducing maternal mortality. It is not possible with this type of evidence, however, to establish a cause-and-effect relationship between a particular intervention and falling maternal death rates. Interventions were implemented concurrently and there was no control group used to see what would have happened to maternal mortality rates without the interventions. To access if a particular intervention (such as the ones listed below) or group of interventions is effective in reducing maternal mortality, "micro" evidence is needed.
More on our interpretation of “macro evidence” here.
Training traditional birth attendants
In developing countries, many births are assisted by 'traditional birth attendants' (TBAs), who acquire their skills through experience and apprenticeship, rather than through the formal training that characterizes ‘skilled birth attendants’ (which include doctors, midwives, and nurses). Programs to provide short training courses for TBAs, to teach them how to respond to minor complications and to recognize and refer major complications, were recommended by the World Health Organization in the 1970s through 1990s. WHO believed that such training courses could reduce maternal mortality rates.
There's very little strong evidence that training TBAs is an effective program for reducing maternal mortality. The available evidence suggests that TBA training increases knowledge among TBAs and may reduce infant mortality, but does not have an demonstrative impact on maternal mortality.
A 2007 Cochrane Review found only one rigorous study that measured the relationship between training of TBAs and maternal mortality. The study was a large, randomized controlled experiment in Pakistan. It evaluated the effect of a three-day training program for TBAs "in the context of rural homebirth where TBAs, women and families have access to an improved health system." The study found reductions in death rates for newborns, but, while there were fewer maternal deaths in the intervention group than in the control group, the difference was not statistically significant.
It is difficult to make conclusions about the effectiveness of TBA training programs in general from this one study. Training programs vary in length, content, clinical practice, and supervision. Despite these difficulties, the Cochrane review concluded, "The potential of traditional birth attendant (TBA) training to reduce perinatal mortality is promising when combined with improved health services."
There are a number of reasons why training TBAs may fail to reduce maternal mortality. These include:
- Lack of medical services to which to refer women with major complications.
- Barriers to learning due to lack of formal education among TBAs.
- Training that is insufficient to give TBAs the skills to perform life-saving interventions.
WHO now recommends that countries work toward the goal of having every birth attended by a skilled birth attendant—a doctor, midwife, or nurse who has received formal education in the management of pregnancy and childbirth.
Skilled birth attendants
The World Health Organization (WHO) adocates for expanded use of skilled birth attendants to reduce maternal mortality. Evidence for the use of skilled attendants primary relies non-experimental analysis, and it is still unclear whether or by how much it could reduce maternal mortality.
Two recent studies used non-experimental methods to see if there was a connection between skilled birth attendants and maternal mortality. Neither study found a strong link between the two, though the limitations in the design of these studies makes us approach any conclusion with caution.
The first compared two districts in Burkina Faso, one that received a number of interventions designed to increase use and effectiveness of skilled attendants and another that received a much more limited set of services. The study found no statistically significant difference in maternal mortality rates between the two districts. The second used country-level data and found that a compelling case for a relationship between skilled attendance and maternal mortality could not be made.
Challenges faced by a program to expand the use of skilled attendants include the inadequate supply of midwives and doctors, lack of health facilities to which to refer complicated cases, and reluctance among women to use such services.
Antenatal care
Antenatal care is composed of a number of interventions administered to women during pregnancy, including screening tests, immunizations, and treatment for identified complications. A 2001 review found that evaluation of the effectiveness of antenatal care in preventing maternal deaths was sparse. We have not found any studies conducted since then that directly address the effectiveness of antenatal care.
The World Health Organization reviewed studies that compared standard models of antenatal care with models that reduced the number of visits a woman had per pregnancy. They found seven randomized controlled trials, which included over 60,000 women. WHO concluded that fewer visits did not result in higher maternal mortality rates. Since a model with fewer visits is less expensive than the standard model, cost-effectiveness considerations call for a reduction in the number of visits, especially in resource-poor areas, where funds and staff time may be urgently needed elsewhere.
The World Health Organization has suggested some reasons why antenatal care may fail to improve maternal outcomes. These reasons include:
- Difficulty in predicting birth complications before the fact.
- Disconnect between antenatal and delivery services.
- Poor quality of antenatal services.
While the latter two could be remedied with improved program design, questions remain about the effect of even the best designed antenatal programs on maternal mortality.
The Disease Control Priorities report notes that experts recommend a number of specific interventions during pregnancy to protect infants. These include screening and antibiotic treatment for syphilis and immunization against tetanus. We have not evaluated the empirical evidence for such interventions, as they lie outside the scope of this report.
A recent review of community-level interventions to reduce maternal mortality found only one randomized controlled study that did not focus on training of traditional birth attendants (see above) or comparing antenatal care models (see above). The study, conducted in Nepal, examined the effect of "facilitator-led women's groups to improve perinatal care practices." It measured a large, statistically significant reduction of maternal mortality due to the intervention, though the author noted some problems with the study design that could raise doubts about the result. The authors of the study estimated the cost of the intervention at $3442 per infant life saved, but did not provide a cost-effectiveness analysis for maternal lives saved. This is a promising area of research, but one study in one location is not enough to convince us that such a program should be implemented in other places without careful monitoring and evaluation.
Clean delivery kits
According to the World Health Organization, 15% of maternal deaths are due to infection. Programs that provide clean delivery kits hope to reduce infections among mothers delivering at home and in health centers and among their infants. Kits include such items as soap for washing of hands and vagina, clean razors and cord ties for cutting the umbilical cord, plastic sheets for creating a clean delivery surface, and a pictorial instruction sheet for directing mothers and their attendants on how to use the items in the kit.
The effect of clean delivery kits on infection rates is not entirely clear. A study in Tanzania found significant infection reductions among women who used the kits and were taught WHO recommended hygienic procedures, and an even larger reduction among their infants. The study was not a randomized controlled trial, so concerns about the validity of the relationship between the kits and infection rates remain. Additionally, it is not possible to say whether the kits, the hygiene lessons, or the combination of the two was responsible for the outcome.
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